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This ear notching goes by different names both in Spanish and in Basque: ''señalada'' (Berganzo-A), ''señal ''(Lezaun-N and Encartaciones-B), ''akatsa'' (Gorbea, Oiz-B), ''koxka'' (Ernio-G and Larraun-N).
 
This ear notching goes by different names both in Spanish and in Basque: ''señalada'' (Berganzo-A), ''señal ''(Lezaun-N and Encartaciones-B), ''akatsa'' (Gorbea, Oiz-B), ''koxka'' (Ernio-G and Larraun-N).
  
== Cowbells or sounding bells. arranak, zintzarriak ==
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== Cowbells or sounding bells. Arranak, zintzarriak ==
  
 
The use of the large bell or cowbell that many draught animals and those for fattening wear round their necks is age old. This can be seen not only from their great dissemination within and outside Europe, but also from certain articles unearthed in pre-historic sites that are considered Bronze Age ''tintinnabula ''or bells. These articles have been considered by some as symbols of lunar and solar cults<ref>J. DÉCHELETTE. ''Manuel d’Archéologie préhistórique. ''Volume II. Paris, 1910, pp. 304-305. Quoated by BARANDIARAN, “Los monumentos prehistóricos. Creencias y cultos megalíticos” in ''Eusko-Folklore. Materiales y Cuestionarios. ''XLVII. Vitoria, 1924, pp. 41-42.</ref>.
 
The use of the large bell or cowbell that many draught animals and those for fattening wear round their necks is age old. This can be seen not only from their great dissemination within and outside Europe, but also from certain articles unearthed in pre-historic sites that are considered Bronze Age ''tintinnabula ''or bells. These articles have been considered by some as symbols of lunar and solar cults<ref>J. DÉCHELETTE. ''Manuel d’Archéologie préhistórique. ''Volume II. Paris, 1910, pp. 304-305. Quoated by BARANDIARAN, “Los monumentos prehistóricos. Creencias y cultos megalíticos” in ''Eusko-Folklore. Materiales y Cuestionarios. ''XLVII. Vitoria, 1924, pp. 41-42.</ref>.
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Common land seems to be have been the land-use system for a long period of time, at least for the pasture land in upland or uninhabited areas. In general, the low-lying land close to the settlements was first cultivated and therefore the first to become private property while the community continued to be able to use the rest of the land freely. Ploughing the land for crops was at the cost of pasture and fields for forage. The new grazing land was obtained by clearing woodland.
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{{DISPLAYTITLE: X. BRANDING}} {{#bookTitle:Livestock Farming and Shepherding in the Basque Country | Ganaderia_y_pastoreo_en_vasconia/en}}
 
 
== Characteristics and evolution ==
 
 
 
Common land was defined as not belonging to anybody in particular, but rather to a community. There is a very appropriate expression in Basque to describe this situation: “''iñorena ez dan basoa''"; namely, the mountain does not belong to anyone in particular, or in other words, the mountain belongs to everyone.
 
 
 
That land “belonging to no one” used to be administered by associations, brotherhoods or'' parzonerias'' [supramunicipal land usage councils], institutions that represented the interests of the shepherds and stockmen using that pasture land. When the General Local Council Act was applied to the charter territories in the 19<sup>th</sup> century (1841), those local councils took over the management of the common land under their jurisdiction. In general, that marked the start of the common land being considered as being municipally owned, ''herribasoak<ref>''Regarding this municipal ownership, which, in his opinion, was land seizure, an old shepherd of Gorbea (B), Patxi Etxebarria “Patxi Azkarra” (+1981), used to ironically say: “orreik ez dira erribasoak lapurbasoak baiño” / these are not the “mountains of the people” but rather “mountains stolen (from the people)”.''
 
 
 
</ref>.
 
 
 
The commons or common land can belong to a single municipal district, in which case its residents have the use and enjoyment of the land (although according to the terms and conditions established as applicable). The commons can come under two or more municipal districts, meaning that it can be used by residents of different municipalities according to regulations overseen by a pastoral entity (''Parzonería'', supramunicipal land usage council). A third case is the common land that without belonging to a specific municipal district (such is the case of the Bardenas Reales) are used by residents of different municipalities, either according to a time-honoured tradition or by means of agreements<ref>Alfredo FLORISTÁN.“Los comunes en Navarra” in ''Actes du Quatrième Congrés International d’Études Pyrénéennes (Pau-Lourdes, 1962''). Volume IV. Toulouse, 1964, pp. 74-86.</ref>.
 
 
 
Common land is not only and exclusively used for grass pasture land and there are other types of grazing (acorns and chestnuts, for example) on land that livestock can freely access.
 
 
 
=== Shrinkage and loss of common land ===
 
 
 
Open or common land has steadily shrunk in size and, in many cases, the common rights eroded. This has been particularly down to the depopulation of the rural areas and the changes to the ways of life during the second half of the 20<sup>th</sup> century. However, the shrinkage of common land started prior to that. Common land in the Southern Basque Country (lying within Spain) suffered great losses during the 19<sup>th</sup> century, the Disentailment Act forced, in some cases, the privatisation of the former common land: this led to the disappearance of community institutions that governed its use, which is what occurred in Álava to the Izki Alto and Izki Bajo Communities and to the Ayala Brotherhood, which administered the Sierra Salvada grazing land.
 
 
 
The debts run up by the municipalities to fund the troops during the wars that ravished the Southern Basque Country during the 19<sup>th</sup> century were another reason behind the privatisation. Many of the local councils awarded plots of common land to individuals who could pay them with money. It was a way to obtain funds to settle those debts.
 
 
 
Customary institutions, made up of local residents and known as ''kofradiak ''(guilds) can still be found in many municipalities of inland Bizkaia. Their organisation and strength endured according to the common land that they oversaw; their heyday as customary entities continued well into the 19th century. Their municipal assets were mainly privatised in the second half of that century which led to their decline.
 
 
 
In Gipuzkoa, the common land was found to have disappeared (as far as the surveyed locations are concerned) in Astigarraga, Berastegi, Elgoibar and Getaria. Common land still exists, albeit symbolically, at other points, such as Beasain, Oñati and Hondarribia.
 
 
 
In the Northern Basque Country (lying within France), the public authorities were the driving force behind the partitioning and selling off of common land in the second half of the 18<sup>th</sup> century; even the clearing and ploughing of the land was not taxed for some time. Consequently, the shepherds and herdsmen had to go higher up to find summer grazing land. Yet very little common land was sold off in reality. During the French Revolution, the institutions of the Ancién Régime were abolished and those included the territorial entities with the name of ''pays'' (e.g. Pays de Soule, Pays de Cize) and which held the titles to the common land. Consequently, that land became the property of the municipalities.
 
 
 
 
 
{{DISPLAYTITLE: XI. COMMON PASTURE LAND}} {{DISPLAYTITLE: X. BRANDING}} {{#bookTitle:Livestock Farming and Shepherding in the Basque Country|Casa_y_familia_en_vasconia/en}}
 

Revisión actual del 08:21 25 jun 2019

Otros idiomas:
Inglés • ‎Español • ‎Euskera • ‎Francés

Livestock branding

The livestock are branded when they are taken up to graze on the mountains where there are animals belonging to other farmsteads; these brands also allow the animals to be identified when they are herded along the drovers’ road or when they get separated from the herd or flock [1].

The brands are different depending on the type of livestock. They can be permanent such as notches in the ears or the signs applied to the skin using a hot branding iron. They can also be temporary, for example when using paint branding irons or the trimming of horses’ manes and tails. The paint or hot brands sometimes are used to indicate that the annual fee has been paid for using the common land and the operation will have to be repeated the following season, as applicable. Different types of branding have sometimes been combined. Cattle wear collars and cowbells so they can be located by their owners.

For several decades now, the public authorities have required sheep, goats and cattle, including those grazing on mountains, to have a health control mark consisting of a plastic or metal ear tag with the identification number of each animal.

As has been previously indicated, all the livestock “let loose on the mountains” - cows, ewes, nanny-goats, mares and, sometimes, pigs – were all branded. However, some exceptions have been found in the surveys: in Bernedo (A) and San Martín de Unx (N), they said that they did not brand cows and horses as they were easily recognised; in Ribera Alta (A), in the same way as in other locations, they explained that they only branded ewes and in Mélida (N), they pointed out that only happened when those animals belonged to livestock farmers with large herds and flocks; in Berriz (B), even though the sheep are usually branded, there are families that have never done so; in Allo (N), they said that only the animals allowed to roam were branded; the draught livestock were never branded as each owner recognised his animals and they were not put out to grass unless it was in a herd under the watchful eye of the herdsman or driver.

The livestock that was owned by the same family, regardless of the type of animal, always had have the same brand of the farmstead (Larraun, Lezaun-N; Zeanuri, Valle de Orozko-B)- In Bernagoitia (B), they explained that if a farmstead inherited or bough the herd or flock from another farm, the previous brand was respected.

Ear notches. Akatsa

The most common way of identifying sheep consisted of making certain notches in the ears. This practice was found in particularly all the places surveyed except for those in the southernmost most strip of the Basque Country.

The sheep are identified by making a notch, nick or hole in one of both of the animal’s ears. The different types of notches allow multiple combinations [2], so that the brands belonging to two shepherds from the same area never coincide. Depending on the type of identification to be achieved, scissors, ear punches or sharp notchers hit with a mallet are used. The notches in the ears are a permanent means of identification, which is not the case with holes that can close up.

This ear notching goes by different names both in Spanish and in Basque: señalada (Berganzo-A), señal (Lezaun-N and Encartaciones-B), akatsa (Gorbea, Oiz-B), koxka (Ernio-G and Larraun-N).

Cowbells or sounding bells. Arranak, zintzarriak

The use of the large bell or cowbell that many draught animals and those for fattening wear round their necks is age old. This can be seen not only from their great dissemination within and outside Europe, but also from certain articles unearthed in pre-historic sites that are considered Bronze Age tintinnabula or bells. These articles have been considered by some as symbols of lunar and solar cults[3].

Most animals (cows, ewes, mares, nanny-goats and, to a lesser extent, pigs) wear bells particularly when they are grazing in the mountains. The sound made by the bells makes it easier to locate the loose livestock and is particularly useful when the animals are in thick woodland or when the herdsmen are looking for them at night or when it is foggy. In Roncal (N), we were told that the use of single bells was more deep-rooted in the densely wooded and rugged Montaña area and many shepherds remove them when the animals are brought down to the Bardenas.

The people surveyed pointed out that in many places the physical state of the animals are taken into account when fitting the cowbells. In winter, when the livestock is thinner and with poor fleeces, light or small cowbells are fitted so they are less cumbersome in the folds. On the other hand, in summer, when the sheep are stronger and more woolly and living outdoors, they wear bigger and heavier bells (Orozko, Bernagoitia, Anboto-B; Izarraitz-G; Aoiz, Lezaun, Roncal, San Martín de Unx, Sangüesa-N).

Livestock adornments

Collars with chimes and strings of bells

Horses and cattle were decked out with chimes and strings of bells for certain agricultural tasks, and still are for livestock fairs or tests of the oxen's strength and on key dates such as the blessing of the livestock on Saint Anthony Abbott's Day. According to the people surveyed, the adornments were used to show off the stance of the animal and its elegance, which enhanced the owner’s prestige.

Apart from the use of chimes and string of bells, the animals - the mares and oxen - taking part in contests, fairs or markets are groomed and turned out.


  1. In the mid 19th century, Iztueta, the historian from Gipuzkoa, noted the importance of branding to help identify the livestock: a shepherd that found a lost ewe would temporarily look after it. The news soon spread that “an ewe with this or that notch in her ears is in so and so’s flock and the shepherd-owner, would then identify and be reunited with the lost sheep”. Juan Ignacio de IZTUETA. Historia de Guipuzcoa. Guizpucoaco condaira. Donostia, 1847, pp. 626-627.
  2. Iztueta, the aforementioned historian, noted in the 19th century the five notches used by Basque shepherds in the uplands to identify the sheep. They were: "Pitzatua, Chulos, Urcullua, Laiateguia eta Acatsa". He showed a list of 34 possible brands by coming those five notches in different parts of both years. It was a really accurate identification system prior to writing: "utsuneric bagueco adieragarri chit zucena, izcribua sortu izan zan baino ere are lenagotanic Euscaldunak asmatua". Ibidem, pp. 221-223 y 626-627.
  3. J. DÉCHELETTE. Manuel d’Archéologie préhistórique. Volume II. Paris, 1910, pp. 304-305. Quoated by BARANDIARAN, “Los monumentos prehistóricos. Creencias y cultos megalíticos” in Eusko-Folklore. Materiales y Cuestionarios. XLVII. Vitoria, 1924, pp. 41-42.